THE ASSASSINATION of President Jovenel Moïse, and the ensuing power vacuum, mark another chapter in the long story of autocrats, violence and coups that is Haitian politics. Although the country’s problems worsened under him, many of them predate “Banana Man”, as the former plantation manager was known. Why is good government so elusive in Haiti?
Haiti’s history has been one of instability and foreign interference since slaves revolted against France and established the first free black republic in 1804. Two years later the country split in two, with 14 years passing before reunification. Shortly thereafter, the French returned, demanding reparations in exchange for recognition of independence (and as a bribe to not start a war of reconquest). The last time a Haitian president was assassinated, in 1915, the United States Marine Corps invaded and stayed for nearly 20 years. Thereafter, presidencies tended to end in coups, until the rise of “Papa Doc” and “Baby Doc” Duvalier, the father-son dictatorial dynasty that ruled between 1957 and 1986. Democracy returned and was quickly dismantled again by the armed forces, only to be reimposed following another American intervention in 1994. But if Haiti’s government is perennially unstable, its problems are more enduring.
Following Mr Moïse’s killing the most immediate need is public order. Gangs—some with links to politicians and other powerful elites including, critics allege, Mr Moïse—murder and kidnap with impunity and have taken over neighbourhoods in some cities. The army, which was dismantled in 1995 and which Mr Moïse had begun to bring back, lacks the power to combat the gangs. So does the police. And both have been accused of violence against ordinary people. Corruption is rife. Accusations that Mr Moïse’s government squandered or stole millions of dollars from PetroCaribe, a Venezuelan aid scheme, brought angry protesters to the streets in 2018. More recently, the government has been accused of misappropriating money intended for its covid-19 response. Such graft is endemic and permeates local society. Many of Mr Moïse’s predecessors and those close to them faced similar accusations (which they deny).
Haitian leaders have further eroded the country’s institutions to maintain their grip on power. Failure to hold elections resulted in parliament disbanding more than a year ago, meaning Mr Moïse ruled by decree. He also crippled the judiciary and empowered an electoral commission deemed unconstitutional by the supreme court to hold a referendum on constitutional reform. His predecessor, Martin Martelly, also ruled by decree for a time. In both cases comparisons were drawn to the Duvaliers. Mr Moïse may have been right that the political system needs an overhaul, but given a history of autocratic leaders, it is unclear who could do that with any legitimacy.
Accompanying broken politics is economic weakness. Haiti is the Americas’ poorest country and among the most unequal. The country’s GDP fell by 1.7% in 2019, and then by 3.3% in 2020. Inflation has been steadily rising which, combined with a dependence on food imports, has resulted in 4.4m of its 11m people going hungry, according to the UN. Foreign aid money, including that pumped into Haiti after an earthquake in 2010, was mainly channelled through NGOs rather than the government, undermining its capacity (and accountability). Efforts to rebuild after 2010 remain incomplete, and Haiti is prone to natural disasters. Heavily subsidising the energy sector empties government coffers, yet reforming the sector would be politically difficult. And tax revenue is pitiful, making it impossible to fund the strong institutions the country needs.
The country has been in crisis over whether Mr Moïse was still legitimately in office: his opponents allege his term was up in February this year; he said it ran until February 2022. The United States, the UN and the Organisation of American States are keen for elections to take place as soon as possible (they were due in September). But elections will not necessarily solve the political impasse. People do not trust them. Turnout has fallen dramatically over the years. Mr Moïse was elected in 2016 with the support of around 10% of the registered voters. Many have long since given up on the idea that politics can help them.
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July 19, 2021 at 06:51PM
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Why is Haiti so difficult to govern? - The Economist
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